Irish Backstop Good Friday Agreement

According to the UK Implementation Plan (July 2020), a system for controlling goods entering from Great Britain to Northern Ireland will require three types of electronic documents, as described in an eleven-page document. [97] He asserted that the „simple fact” that the Dublin backstop gives more influence to Northern Ireland`s affairs than the United Kingdom. The prospect of an Irish land border would disrupt Northern Ireland`s economy; it would also impose high political costs on the EU. For these reasons, a referendum in Northern Ireland should be proposed, discussed and organised as soon as possible. This may be the last chance to get rid of the backstop, as Prime Minister Johnson would like, while giving London the feeling of an orderly Brexit. www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/04/moderates-northern-ireland-good-friday-agreement/587764/. Brexit: New controls on some GB products in NI under backstop Katy Hayward, Reader in Sociology at Queen`s University Belfast, says that while a hard border in itself does not call into question the deal, it is „fair to say” that the acceptance behind the Good Friday agreement was „closer integration.” On 2 October, Johnson presented a potential substitute for the Irish backstop 2018 and proposed that Northern Ireland remain aligned with the EU in terms of product standards, while remaining in the UK`s customs territory. This would require product controls between Britain and Northern Ireland, but no customs controls on goods that should remain in the UK. With regard to the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic, its proposal would involve customs controls between Northern Ireland and the Republic (possibly supported by technologies implemented far from the border), but would not include product controls and safety standards on the island of Ireland.

[90] This was rejected by the EU. [91] In all three debates, most Members did not focus on the peace process. While the backstop received 795 mentions in the three debates we analysed, the „Good Friday Agreements” and the „Belfast Agreements” – two terms that describe the same agreement – together received only 90. This indicates that the discussion on the „backstop” was not generally related to the agreement. 7 Singham, Shanker, How to fix the Irish Border problem, 19 March 2018, available on capx.co/how-to-fix-the-irish-border-problem. See also Hayward, K., How not to fix the Irish Border problem, 7 April 2018, blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2018/04/07/how-not-to-fix-the-irish-border-problem/ . Our analysis shows that it is not clear that Parliament has the cohesion or the obligation to do the hard work necessary to preserve the agreement. Instead, the agreement found a creative path by allowing a form of co-sovereignty. The Good Friday agreement allowed Northern Irish to identify themselves as Irish, British or both and to have a passport from one or both countries. When the UK finally leaves the EU, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland will require a border apparatus to check visitors` passports, track the origin and quality of goods and collect appropriate taxes or customs.

If the UK leaves the EU without a deal on 31 October, the backstop will not be effective. During the withdrawal negotiations, the Irish border issue was one of three areas that required a specific stream of negotiations to reach the necessary withdrawal agreement before future relations between the UK and the EU could be agreed. [41] [42] [43] The Irish and British governments as well as EU officials have stated that they do not want a hard border in Ireland, given the historical and social „sensitivities” that cross the island. [44] In a memo from Industry Minister Richard Harrington, which was picked up by Sky News, „this [technical] idea was discussed and rejected by the UK and the EU in the summer of 2018, with both sides concluding that it would not remain an open border.

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